Демография России (сайт посвящён проф. Д. И. Валентею)
personalia статистика факты мнения смертность смертность 2001 (обзор)
Financial Times (UK) 18 August 2001

Russians' mixed feelings about the end of the Soviet Union

By Andrew Jack
 
Amid the many voices reflecting on the failed coup in Moscow a decade ago which helped trigger the end of the Soviet Union, Alexander Usov and his wife Sofia have more right than most to be heard.

While the events in August 1991 which sparked the collapse of the Communist party's stranglehold on power were almost bloodless, there were three exceptions. One was their son, Vladimir.

Shortly after midnight on August 21, a little more than three days after the plotters resolved to seize power from the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, he died alongside two other "defenders of the White House" who had responded to Boris Yeltsin's calls to repel the army from the headquarters of the Russian government he led.

Dmitri Komar, an Afghan veteran who clambered on to an armoured personnel carrier approaching the building, was shot at, lost balance and was crushed under the vehicle. Vladimir Usov and Ilya Krichevsky, both in the crowd nearby, were killed by bullets fired by a soldier inside.

"Vladimir, Dmitri, Ilya - three of the best Russian names," says Sofia Usova, a retired schoolteacher. "But they did not perish in vain. Three people died, and that created a shock. Everyone stopped."

 Lyubov Komar, the mother of Dmitri, agrees. "If he hadn't died, things would not be as they are," she says, sitting facing a shrine to her son that takes up most of the wall of the family living room, with photographs, newspaper articles and artefacts including his medals. "When they heard what happened, they stopped the army. Three kids stopped the putsch."

The families of all three victims are preparing over the next few days to commemorate the events along with hundreds of others who formed a human ring around the White House.

They will first visit the scene of the incident, where a small monument now stands, then they will attend the graveyard nearby where the three are buried.

Their varied opinions on what has happened since reflect broader ambiguities of Russians' feelings about the changes that have taken place over the past 10 years. Mr Usov, a retired rear admiral, has no illusions about the past.

"We thought the putschists were't serious. I was market-oriented and strongly supported Yeltsin. "Practically everything has improved since then," he says. "Ten years ago, the shops were empty. We dreamed about buying things. Now we are free. In the past, we did what we were told. Now you can have contact with foreigners and travel overseas. You can earn money if you want."

Ms Komar is more circumspect. Her husband retired from the armed forces with ill-health, and she has been unemployed since the clinic where she worked closed in April 1991. "Perhaps I would have supported the putsch if there had been no tanks, but to send the army against the people - that was inadmissible."

She gestures towards the furniture in the room. "Everything we have, we bought in Soviet times. We lived better in 1991. We had a lot of money then. Now we live on Rbs4,000 [$137] a month. Bread cost 25 kopecks then, and 7 roubles today. You see what I mean?"

The opinions mirror the mixed findings of a survey of Russian perceptions carried out regularly over the past decade by Professor Richard Rose from the University of Strathclyde in Scotland. His polls suggest strong advances in personal freedom, with more mixed but generally improving living standards.

The number of people having sometimes to do without food, heating or electricity is low and falling, for example, although the number withdrawing their savings has been increasing and salary delays are still frequent. There is a core 18 per cent who are "vulnerable" because they rely only on their low official incomes, and 8 per cent "marginal".

"The past that is remembered is misremembered," he says, arguing that the Brezhnev era of the 1970s and early 1980s is often recalled with nostalgia, but was characterised by economic stagnation and a reduction in life expectancy. "Today, people have adapted. They have also lowered their expectations."

Both the Komars and the Usovs feel some sympathy for Mikhail Gorbachev, who - unlike Mr Yeltsin - attended their sons' funerals, while having mixed views on his policies. Both also place their faith in Vladimir Putin to bring some stability to Russia.

But Mr Usov adds a note of patience. "We need five Putins. People wanted to immediately live like in the US or the UK," he says. "We had 70 years of communism. Even in East Germany, where they only had 45, they still say they will need another 30 years to adjust."

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