Alexander
N. Domrin, S.J.D. (Penn),
Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Legislation and
Comparative Law (Moscow). He is author of The Constitutional Mechanism
of a State of Emergency(Moscow: Public Science Foundation, 1998) and co-author
of Essays in the Constitutional Law of Foreign Countries (Moscow: Spark,
1999).
Russia is slowly coming to her senses after almost a decade of Yeltsin's
rule, if we start counting from the First Congress of People's Deputies
(May-June 1990) which elected Yeltsin its Chairman.
Vladimir Putin inherited a crushed, looted and humiliated country, which
industrial product has shrunk by 53 percent (or about 25 percent more than
in 1941-45, when Nazi Germany was occupying a larger portion of the European
part of the USSR and about 26,5 million Soviet citizens lost their lives),
whose increase in mortality rates (60 percent between 1990 and 1996) has
been "unprecedented in any country during peacetime since Middle Ages"
(Murray Feshbach of Georgetown University, in Washington Post, 12.07.1995),
whose men have a smaller chance to survive to age 60 than under "terrible"
Russian tzars a century ago, whose population is shrinking by about 2,500
a day (or approximately 0,5 percent a year), which has more homeless children
today than after the Bolshevik revolution, and whose role in the world
politics has been reduced to a position of "Upper Volta with nuclear missiles".
This is simply not true when senior U.S. officials are now trying to
give their post-factum (or post-mortem) assurances that the U.S. foreign
policy since the Cold War have included such "overriding goals" as "to
work with _Russia_ internationally" and "to support _Russia's_ effort to
transform its political, economic, and social institutions at home» (Thomas
R. Pickering, Address at Meridian House/Smithsonian Seminar "Russia: Sleeping
Superpower?", Washington, DC, March 28, 2000; text available at:
http://www.state.gov/www/policy_remarks/2000/000328_pickering_russia.html
emphasis is added. AD).
In reality, since Margaret Thatcher's infamous endorsement of Gorbachev
in December 1984 through the latest period of contemporary Russian history,
the Western governments have been promoting a "strategic alliance with
Russian _reform_" rather than an alliance with Russia herself. A guiding
principle of the U.S. foreign policy was not to support Russia, but to
support "Russian _reforms_" which "were considered to be critical to U.S.
objectives" (Foreign Assistance. Harvard Institute for International
Development's Work in Russia and Ukraine (Washington, U.S. General Accounting
Office: November 1996), p.2); not to help Russian people to overcome consequences
of the Communist rule, but "to help Russian _reformers_" (Strobe Talbott,
Stanford University, September 19, 1997; emphasis is added. AD) which is
not the same.
The position of the IMF was hardly different in that respect from the
position of the U.S. Agency for International Development. Even the most
devoted supporters of "market fundamentalists", as George Soros names Russian
"reformers" ("Who Lost Russia?" , The New York Review of Books, April 13,
2000), have to admit now that the IMF was acting "like another political
arm of the U.S. government" (Testimony of Michael McFaul, "Russia's 2000
Presidential Elections: Implications for Russian Democracy and U.S.-Russian
Relations", Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, April 12, 2000;
Johnson's Russia List, #4247, April 14, 2000).
Only in the earliest period of legal and political reforms in the USSR,
the U.S. national interests ("objectives") coincided with the historical
necessity of the Soviet transition to democracy and the rule of law. As
soon as the slogan "Down with Article 6" (Communist Party hegemony clause)
and (never realized) slogan "All Power to the Soviets" catapulted Yeltsin
and radical "democrats" to power, the correlation between national interests
of the U.S. and Russia became less evident. With disintegration of the
USSR and especially after the initiation of liberal economic "reforms",
turning Russian into a mineral appendix of Western corporations and throwing
Russia in her social and economic development into the group of third-world
countries, the values of the Russian transition to the rule of law were
finally forgotten and supplanted by the interests of the ultimate economic
and political subordination of Russia.
It's hard to believe that some of the most eloquent American observers,
really think so, when they say that Russia's socioeconomic collapse was
"largely unanticipated" or that deindustrialization of Russian economy
was an "unintended consequence" of liberal "reforms" (Thomas Graham, "Putin's
Russia. Why Economic Reform Requires Political Support. Reflections on
U.S. Policy Toward Russia", 9 East European Constitutional Review 1-2 (Winter-Spring
2000)). Warnings about inevitability of such collapse and about suicidal
character of monetarist experiments with Russian economy were repeatedly
voiced by the Russian Parliament already in 1992-93 and became one of the
main reasons of its violent dissolution by President Yeltsin. Dissolution
which was unconditionally supported, if not encouraged, by the Western
"international community" in general and by both branches of the U.S. Government
in particular.
As it was later cynically explained by an American scholar, if the "international
community" gives its support to a "traditionally undemocratic act", as
it did in Russia in September 1993, then this act is actually "democratic",
albeit "unconstitutionally democratic" (Donna R. Miller, "Unconstitutional
Democracy: Ends vs. Means in Boris Yeltsin's Russia", 4 Transnational Law
& Contemporary Problems 2 (Fall 1994), p.876). The conclusion itself
is a complete rejection of Clinton Rossiter's classic legal formula: "Even
if a government can be constitutional without being democratic, it cannot
be democratic without being constitutional" (Clinton L. Rossiter, Constitutional
Dictatorship: Crisis Government in the Modern Democracies (Princeton University
Press, 1948), p. viii)).
The day after Yeltsin's issuance of his notorious anti-constitutional
Decree 1400, Rep. Steny H. Hoyer (D-MD) admitted that Yeltsin's decree
was "technically speaking" "illegal" but insisted that Yeltsin "acted in
the spirit of democracy by breaking the letter of the law". However, the
"primary reason for continued Western backing for Yeltsin", in Hoyer's
words, was not even that he "acted in the spirit of democracy", but that
"Yeltsin is explicitly pro-American, pro-Western, pro-market", whereas
the Parliament "has accused the West of seeking to undermine and weaken
Russia" and "opposes Yeltsin's privatization program". According to the
Congressman, "it is imperative" "for our own interests", that Yeltsin's
government "implement necessary reforms and keep Russia on a pro-Western
track" (Yeltsin Moves to End Chaos - Hon. Steny H. Hoyer (Extension of
Remarks), Congressional Record, 22.09.1993. P. E2219). The question whether
this was "imperative" for the interests of Russia was not asked.
The same day Senator Claiborne Pell (D-RI) welcomed "the swift, unequivocal
show of support that the Clinton administration has shown for President
Yeltsin's move to consolidate democratic reform in Russia" and appealed
to the Senate to vote for $2.5 billion in "assistance" to Russia and other
former Soviet republics in order to "to show the reformers in the NIS that
we are in their corner" (Support for Democratic Reform in Russia, Congressional
Record, 22.09.1993. P. S12239). Thus again, the senator unambiguously demonstrated
that U.S. aid was intended not for Russia and the countries of the region,
but for the "reformers".
The speeches and proposals of Rep. Hoyer and Sen. Pell were quite typical.
Another prominent Congressman, Rep. Gerald B. Solomon (R-NY), for instance,
expected that the new Federal Assembly "would almost certainly be
more democratic [in a letter to President Clinton of October 26, 1993,
Solomon even said: "far more democratic". - AD] and friendly to the West
than the previous parliament", "truly representative", and concluded that
the December 1993 elections "have a direct bearing on our national security
and should be treated as a top foreign policy priority by the administration".
"The democrats are in desperate need of outside assistance", Solomon said,
"We believe it is imperative for the West to provide as much assistance
as possible to democratic candidates in Russia", and called on Congress
to "divert from existing programs whatever resources necessary to achieve
the objective of ensuring" victory for the reformers in Russia (Elections
in Russia. - Hon. Gerald B.H. Solomon (Extension of Remarks), Congressional
Record, 26.10.1993. P. E2534, E2536).
At least one expectation of Rep. Solomon came true: the new Russian
Federal Assembly did in fact become a "truly representative parliament",
but... without most of those "reformers".
The list of similar speeches on the Capitol Hill and in the White House
in the days of Yeltsin's constitutional coup of September-October 1993
could be continued, but what is really important for us is an open recognition
by the U.S. officials of not only a possibility but a desirability of use
of American "aid" as an instrument of interference into Russian internal
affairs.
U.S. support for such undemocratic and anti-constitutional decisions
as the violent dissolution of the Russian federal parliament, closure
of regional legislatures throughout Russia, and suspension (for about 18
months) of the Constitutional Court made it clear better than ever before
that despite its verbal assurances in its interest to see Russia as a prosperous,
respected and democratic "partner", the U.S. government was quite satisfied
with making her a client state controlled by a dependent semi-criminal
authoritarian leader, "corrupt but friendly drunk", as Yeltsin was later
described by The Washington Post.
It's highly indicative that it was in 2000 only when the former Secretary
of State James Baker publicly appealed to the U.S. "leaders" to finally
"recognize that Russia will have its own foreign policy, independent of
our" (James A. Baker III, "Repairing Relations with Russia", The New York
Times, February 05, 2000). Yet, Baker contradicts himself when saying that
new "Russian leaders" [read: Putin. - A.D.] allegedly "reject 'partnership
and friendship'" with the West. This statement, just like a similar Thomas
Graham's lament that "a constructive U.S.-Russian partnership now appears
a distant dream", is not convincing, because a "partnership" with Russia
was never an issue. In fact, Graham recognized it himself in his testimony
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (April 12, 2000) when saying
that "the Administration's earlier talk of 'strategic partnership'
created expectations in Russia that we were never prepared to meet" (Johnson's
Russia List, #4244, April 13, 2000).
The new Russian Constitution is usually more favorably viewed by Western
experts than similar constitutions of some other former Soviet republics.
It is claimed that "the Constitution of the Russian Federation created
a true federation", that after the adoption of the constitution in December
1993 "all basic civil rights" exist in Russia "not only in theory as they
did in the past, but in practice as is true in western democracies", and,
finally, that "the Constitution of the Russian Federation creates a genuine
western democracy" (Ronald C. Monticone, "A Brief Comparative Analysis
of the Russian Constitution". In: Constitution of the Russia Federation.
With Commentaries and Interpretation by American and Russian Scholars (Lawrenceville,
VA: Brunswick Publ. Corp., 1994), p. 7, 9, 14.). The 1996 Constitution
of Belarus, on the other hand, is usually seen as not meeting "democratic
standards of human rights", granting "sweeping powers" to President and
establishing "dictatorship" and "totalitarian state".
The problem is that often correctly criticized Lukashenka's Constitution
of Belarus (see, e.g., Presidential Powers and Human Rights under the Draft
Constitution of Belarus (New York: Lawyers Committee for Human Rights,
October 1996)) is just a stronger version of Yeltsin's Constitution. If,
for instance, according to the Russian Constitution the decision on President's
removal from office must be adopted by a vote of two-thirds of the total
membership of each chamber of the Federal Assembly, and the whole impeachment
process is to be accomplished within three months after filing the
charge against him (Art. 93), the Constitution of Belarus has the same
provision regarding voting in the lower chamber (House of Representatives),
but raises the threshold for the Senate to three-quarters of its total
composition, and limits the time frame to one month (Art.88). Yet, the
Russian Constitution provides for five stages in the impeachment process
(including participation of both the Supreme and Constitutional Courts
of Russia) which makes the process more time-consuming, whereas the impeachment
process in Belarus is to be accomplished in four stages without involvement
of the Constitutional Court. In practical terms, however, the Constitutions
of both countries make their Presidents technically unimpeachable.
The real reason why Western official figures and, what is more regrettable,
many foreign experts react so differently to these constitutions can be
explained mainly by the fact that one of them was endorsed by an "explicitly
pro-American, pro-Western, pro-market" president, whereas the other one
was introduced by a more independent national leader, which is a sufficient
reason for the U.S. mass media to label Alexander Lukashenka as "stupid",
"paranoid", "with Neanderthal views" (Chicago Tribune, Editorial, March
29, 1997), "the Stalinist leader of Belarus", and even "an open admirer
of Hitler" (The New York Times, "Russia and Its Tyrant Neighbor" (Editorial),August
25, 1997). That's about a leader of the Nation where every fourth citizen
was slaughtered by Nazis...
U.S. official support to the dissolved Belorussian parliament and orchestration
of anti-Lukashenka's "active measures" from overseas (see, for instance,
the U.S. State Department Press Statement "Belarus: Deputy Secretary
Talbott Meets With Belarusian Opposition Leaders" of February 4, 2000;
text available at:
http://secretary.state.gov/www/briefings/statements/2000/ps000204a.html),
on the one hand, and, at the same time, demonization of the Russian Supreme
Soviet as "nationalist-Communist bloc" ("Russia Without Rules" (Editorial),
The Boston Globe, September 23, 1993), a "nationalist, crypto-Soviet opposition"
(Celestine Bohlen, "An Old Georgian Story: Dancing with the Devil", The
New York Times, October 24, 1993), "a band of Communist apparatchiks" (William
Safire, "On Dying Hard", The New York Times, September 30, 1993), a "band
of Communists and fascists" ("Detours to Russian Democracy" (Editorial),
The Boston Globe, September 30, 1993), and even "communist fascists masquerading
as parliamentarians" (Thomas Oliphant, "Another Clash with the Beast",
The Boston Globe, October 6, 1993) bespeaks of a policy of double standards,
which is quite typical for the U.S., but hardly healthy for democratic
developments in both Russia and Belarus.
The participation of American consultants in the Russian presidential
election of 1996 once again illustrated that proud words of U.S. officials
about the necessity of strict observance of laws in a law-governed state
and about "the promotion of democracy as a key feature of American foreign
policy" (Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State. Address at All Souls
College, "The Crooked Timber: A Carpenter's Perspective". Oxford University,
January 21, 2000; text available at:
http://www.state.gov/www/policy_remarks/2000/000121_talbott_oxford.html)
are very easily forgotten when the U.S. national interests - at that
moment, preservation of "our horse", as Ambassador Strauss called Yeltsin,
and "our best man in Russia", as Russian President was named by Brent Scowcroft
back in 1992, in power - are at stake.
Although there is no reason to overestimate the role of Richard Dresner's
group in Yeltsin's victory in 1996, what is really important, is the practical
lesson given to us in Russia by the U.S. consultants, their attitude to
legal norms and political "necessity". As revealed by Dresner himself,
he was on a regular basis reporting about the work of his group in
Moscow directly to President Clinton's aide Dick Morris. When asked, "if
he had any compunction about the extent to which the Yeltsin campaign was
violating election spending laws by many orders of magnitude, Dresner's
answer was 'No', because "Yeltsin was for democracy, and whatever it takes
to win is OK" (see Jonathan's Weiler's report about a panel discussion
at Duke University "Designing Boris Yeltsin's Victory" (March 26, 1997)
featuring Richard Dresner, in Johnson's Russia List, March 29, 1997).
According to a well-informed American observer, the U.S. Embassy was
expecting pro-Yeltsin falsifications in the 1996 presidential elections
and "warned" the Moscow US AID Mission to keep a "distance from monitoring
efforts that might actually uncover fraud" (Sarah E. Mendelson, Western
Assistance and the Development of Parties and Elections in Russia (Democracy
and Rule of Law Project, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Fall
1999; text available at:
www.ceip.org/programs/democr/NGOs/index.html), p. 30, 31)).
Clearly, the end justifies the means.
A similar approach was used in the activities of at least two of the
US AID-funded programs aimed at "developing parties and elections" in Russia:
those of the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the International
Republican Institute (IRI). Overall, according to US GAO, between 1992
and 1997 those programs received $17.4 million, as a series of US AID grants,
to "help reformist political parties strengthen their organizational structures
and their role in elections" (US GAO report, 1996, p.37). Needless to remind
of the disastrous defeats of radical "democrats", the main consumers of
the US AID "assistance", in every parliamentary elections in Russia since
1993.
In the summer of 1995, the US AID Moscow Mission commissioned a report
to analyze the "effectiveness of U.S. government assistance to the Russian
Parliament" (on file with the author). An independent expert evaluated
the three main AID-funded programs working with the Russian Federal Assembly:
those of NDI, IRI, and of the U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS).
The report revealed that the activities of the NDI and IRI were based on
favoritism. It found that "most efforts" by both the NDI and IRI "were
channeled to the education and training of staff workers and MPs
in the Vybor Rossii" (Russia's Choice) faction" (p.12). Yabloko was not
forgotten either. A former NDI program officer in Moscow has admitted lately
that in the 1990s, Yegor Gaidar and Grigory Yavlinsky "appeared to favor
trips to the West vastly more than they did trips to the regions"
(Mendelson, p.24).
The same report also concluded that "some of the IRI activities have
been marked by unsystematic and over-demonstrating style" (p.11), and that
the seminars of NDI and IRI "leave an impression of some political show
rather than profound regular work" (p.21).
Ironically, the group of approximately 3,000 "reformist-minded political
activists" trained by the U.S. programs in 1992-96 also included Vladimir
Putin ("trained" by NDI), who is now described by Michael McFaul, since
1990 an NDI consultant in Moscow himself, as someone who "may turn out
to be Russia's Milosevic", someone "willing to use the power of the state
and ignore the democratic rights of society in the pursuit of his objectives",
whose election as a new Russian President was not a "positive step" for
the U.S. interests in Russia (Testimony before the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations, April 12, 2000; Johnson's Russia List, #4247, April
14, 2000).
Although certain aspects of the CRS program were criticized as well,
overall the CRS record was recognized to be "much better because all of
its activities are actually connected with the parliament as such" (p.20).
As stated by Duma authorities, "within one year of cooperation with the
CRS, the Duma has been equipped with modern technologies for 10-15 years
ahead" (p.18). According to a Federation Council respondent, "cooperation
with the CRS resulted in the unique computer network having no analogues
even in the executive structure" (p.19). Equally important is the fact
that when in the December 1995 parliamentary elections none of the "reformist"
parties, except Yabloko, cleared the 5-percent threshold to bring its members
to the Duma (by the party lists), the NDI and IRI lost about 90 percent
of their contacts in the Federal Assembly, whereas CRS, whose credo was
to work on an unbiased and non-partisan basis with all factions and committees
in the Russian Parliament, maintained all their contacts.
Paradoxically, it was the low-budget ($2.5 million) CRS Program which
was abruptly stopped by the U.S. authorities in 1996, whereas multimillion
NDI, IRI and similar Western programs still promote the "reform-minded
liberals" in Russia and train "pro-Western, liberal-minded political activists
following strategies developed in Western capitals" (Mendelson, p.4, 5).
Interruption of the CRS-Russian Federal Assembly Parliamentary Program
became a part of a more general U.S. policy aimed at circumventing Russian
parliamentary processes (see, e.g., Peter Stavrakis, State Building in
Post-Soviet Russia: The Chicago Boys and the Decline of Administrative
Capacity (Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, Washington, 1993);
Peter Stavrakis, "Bull in a China Shop: US AID's Post-Soviet Mission",
3 Demokratizatsiya 3 (Fall 1995); Janine R. Wedel, "Clique-Run Organizations
and U.S. Economic Aid: An Institutional Analysis", 4 Demokratizatsiya
4 (Fall 1996); Janine R. Wedel, Collision and Collusion: The Strange
Case of Western Aid to Eastern Europe, 1989-1998 (New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1998)).
When it became apparent that the new Russian Federal Assembly was as
resistant to the experiments of "bolshevist monetarists" (Peter Stavrakis)
with Russian economy as the disbanded Supreme Soviet, U.S. "assistance"
to Russia gave precedence to decree-making over long-term legal institutional
development in the country. Much of the work of Western consultants and
USAID-funded programs has gone towards executive decrees rather than parliamentary
legislation. According to the US GAO, just one AID-funded program
- the Harvard Institute for International Development (HIID) – in 1994-96
alone drafted "hundreds of decrees". As explained in the GAO report, "HIID
supported the use of decrees because it believed that they advanced reforms""
(US GAO Report, 1996, p.46).
The energetic work of the program came to a sudden end in May 1997,
when after a thorough investigation US AID came to the conclusion that
key HIID players in Moscow (Andrei Shleifer and Jonathan Hay) having "gained
influence over nascent Russian capital markets", had "abused the trust
of the United States government by using personal relationships ... for
private gain", and canceled the 58-million dollar Harvard project. The
Wall Street Journal drew the attention of its readers to the fact that
"the Harvard men had been assigned to promote, among other things, Western
ideals of fair play" (Carla Anne Robbins & Steve Liesman, "Harvard
Men Built Market, But Didn't Steer Clear of It", The Wall Street Journal,
August 13, 1997).
Another stunning defeat of radical "reformers" in the Russian parliamentary
elections in 1999, Putin's decisive victory in the presidential campaign,
which is viewed by most observers as the end of "revolutionary changes"
in Russia, and election of a new Republican President in the U.S. will
inevitably make it necessary for the new U.S. Administration to reevaluate
the results of its policy in Russia in the 1990s and outline a blueprint
for the next decade. The very first statements of U.S. President-elect
Bush about the necessity to reduce the role for the United States in financial
aid for Russia (The New York Times, January 15, 2001), got a positive response
in Moscow. In the words of the Duma Speaker Seleznev, "we are tired of
corruption and of our criminal leaders, who have concluded transactions
to Russia's detriment" (RFE/RL Newsline, January 15, 2001).
Whereas the programs of American assistance to dismantlement of nuclear
weapons in Russia, as well as cultural, scientific and educational exchanges
between our countries, should definitely be maintained and further developed,
continuation of the U.S. reliance on a narrow circle of pro-Western liberal
intelligentsia and "agents of democratic change" (Michael McFaul) in Russia
proves to be wasteful, eventually unproductive for the U.S. interests and
detrimental to the goals of long-term institutional legal and democratic
development of Russia. U.S. aid to Russian "reformers" should be stopped
by the U.S. Administration before it's interrupted by the Russian Government!
On the other hand, a working group of experts of the Russian Council
for Foreign and Defense Policy (see its report on "Russian-American Relations
at the Turn of the Century": http://www.svop.ru/doklad23_3.html) formulated
its concept of "small deeds", where the "benefits are obvious for both
sides while avoiding sharp issues", as the most adequate, in the present
circumstances, form of mutually beneficial U.S.-Russian cooperation. The
assistance aimed at strengthening the system of checks and balances in
the Russian constitutional mechanism, and programs of cooperation with
those branches of the Russian government, whose position was undermined
under Yeltsin, may at least partly counterbalance the authoritarian character
of superpresidential Constitution of Russia. A new full-scale project that
would use the experience and continue the work of the CRS-Russian Federal
Assembly Parliamentary Development Program (1994-1996), and extension of
programs of technical assistance to the Russian judicial reform (including
the Supreme Court and Cnstitutional Court of Russia), together with a significant
effort aimed at development of legal education in Russia (first of all
in the regions), should be seriously considered. In the long run, impact
of such programs on Russia's transition to the rule of law will prove
to be more significant than just a "small deed".
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